July 4, 2008

Ignorance Is No Excuse

Since the June 25th decision of Kennedy v. Louisiana, a military statute has been “discovered” that permits capital punishment for child rape in court martial. No lawyer mentioned this statute in brief or oral argument, and no justice mentioned the law in the opinion of the court. Many bloggers and writers have debated whether this statute changes the national consensus against the death penalty. Somehow, the more interesting question is how did no one know this law existed?

When the statute was passed in Congress the provision was on the 129th page of a 420 page omnibus authorization bill. The provision was neither mentioned nor debated by any legislator.

This bill has been approved by the president for over two years and no attorney ever seemed to know it was there.

Mistake in fact is a valid defense against a crime. You cannot steal what you believe to be yours. Mistake in law is not a valid legal defense. You can be convicted of DUI even if you do not know the legal BA level. You see, every Tom, Dick and Harry is on notice of all statutes and all case law no mater how complicated. This leads me to believe that the law is kind to those who know it.

The UCMJ statute makes me wonder who really knows the law. Nine of the most brilliant legal minds, all their law clerks, and professional SCOTUS attorneys missed this law. Perhaps the most valuable thing we can glean from this controversy is your legal writing professor was right. It’s embarrassing not to know legal precedent.

July 3, 2008

Bloggers blogging about blawgs

In a conversation sure to interest none of our readers except fellow bloggers, Sentencing Law and Policy, Simple Justice, and CrimLaw discuss the relationships between lawprof blogs and the "practical blawgosphere."

Greenfield's chief complaint seems to be that the lawprof's in general ignore the practitioner blogs, not linking to them and not engaging in dialogue when issues arise that both groups blog about, such as the Heller decision last week. Doug Berman responds at Sentencing Law and Policy that he has not seen such a great divide between lawprofs and practioner's blogs - in fact the blawgosphere seems to be a "terrific cyber-meeting-space for the academy and the bar (as well as the bench and law students and non-lawyers)."

On the one hand, I agree with Prof. Berman - one thing I love about the criminal blawgosphere is the "meeting" of many different types of lawyers and non-lawyers with shared interests in criminal law, whether academic or practical. I spend a few hours every day reading lawblogs of both types. On the other hand, Prof. Berman took the bait in a sense, as Greenfield also pointed out in his post that the only time lawprofs show up in the practical blawgosphere is when they are criticized and feel the need to respond.

At the heart of the issue seems to be recognition - who links to who in their blog posts, recognizing the other's ideas and building on them. Lawprofs don't often comment on practitioner's blogs, although practitioners often comment on lawprof's blogs. More often than not, lawprofs are commenting directly on appellate opinions, whereas practitioners are commenting on everything under the sun. If we are commenting on appellate opinions, it makes sense to also link to lawprof's opinions on the opinions because they are, after all, the academics. The practical blawgosphere's focus is usually commenting on daily life in the trenches, how the appellate opinions affect our work, and commentary on a wide variety of topics that impact the practice of law.

Although we would like to hear from the lawprofs on the topics we discuss, and would like recognition from time to time since, after all, academia is a wasted effort without the reality of the daily practice of law that it helps to shape, it doesn't always make sense for lawprofs to get involved in conversations from the practical blawgosphere. And, I don't see a problem with lawprofs getting but not giving recognition for excelling in an area (blogging) that is primarily academic in nature anyway.

Prof. Berman asks "if readers generally see relative harmony or a big divide between bloggers in the academy and in the bar?" I think harmony when you step back and look at the blawgosphere as a whole, but a big divide if you look at it in terms of reciprocity and recognition.

July 3, 2008

Sanford vetoes South Carolina DNA testing bill

The DNA testing bill was vetoed by the governor, which isn't entirely a bad thing, considering that the DNA access and evidence preservation bill had been combined with a bill allowing law enforcement to take DNA samples from arrestees who had not been convicted of a crime. Surprisingly, Sanford says that the reason he vetoed the bill is because he opposes the portion allowing DNA samples to be taken from arrestees:

We see this legislation as a reach past that very foundation upon which this country was founded," Sanford told legislators in his veto. He called the bill a "further encroachment on our civil liberties and privacy rights . . . Given the ever-expanding scope of the DNA database, we believe that it is finally time to draw a line in the sand and say that the DNA database will not be expanded to individuals who have not been convicted of a crime.

And Sanford supports DNA access for inmates and evidence preservation. I applaud his concern for our civil liberties and privacy rights and wholeheartedly agree with him, but it is hard to square his interest in criminal justice on this issue with his disregard for the Constitution on other issues, such as his his statement that indigent defense funding would "send the wrong message." I suppose some parts of the Constitution are more popular than others.

The legislature will not look at the DNA bill again until January 2009 - then they can either override the governor's veto or go back to the drawing board with two separate bills as it should have been to begin with.

July 2, 2008

Groome - S.C. Supreme Court invalidates "driver's license checkpoint"

Roadblocks in my opinion are unconstitutional. Period. The National Motorists Association says it best:

We oppose the use of roadblocks, period. The only justification for stopping citizens under a roadblock scenario is to warn them of an unseen peril that could cause injury or death to an unsuspecting motorist. So-called "sobriety check points," or seat belt checks, or the myriad of other excuses the government concocts to harass and intimidate its citizens through the use of roadblocks are, in our opinion unconstitutional and in direct contradiction to any honest definition of freedom.

Since the United States Supreme Court does not yet agree, we will have to settle for requiring law enforcement to jump through hoops to demonstrate that their roadblocks are not really for the purpose of general crime control. The S.C. Supreme Court in State v. Groome, decided June 30, held law enforcement to the standards required by Brown v. Texas, City of Indianapolis v. Edmond, and Michigan State Police v. Sitz, and upheld the suppression of evidence by the trial court on the basis that the roadblock was violative of the Fourth Amendment.

In Brown v. Texas in 1979, the U.S. Supreme Court held that a Texas statute allowing police to detain citizens and require them to identify themselves violated the Fourth Amendment because it allowed the detentions without any reasonable suspicion of criminal conduct. It also set forth a three part balancing test for determining the constitutionality of seizures by law enforcement: 1) a weighing of the gravity of the public concerns served by the seizure; 2) the degree to which the seizure advances the public interest, and 3) the severity of the interference with individual liberty.

In 1990 the U.S. Supreme Court held in Michigan State Police v. Sitz that the Brown v. Texas balancing test applies to roadblocks, and, although it reversed the Michigan Court of Appeals and found the roadblock valid, it arguably upheld the requirement that "the degree to which the seizure advances the public interest" must be demonstrated by showing the "effectiveness" of the roadblock.

In City of Indianapolis v. Edmond in 2000, the U.S. Supreme Court held that a checkpoint whose primary purpose is to detect evidence of ordinary criminal wrongdoing is unconstitutional.

In Groome, the S.C. Supreme Court held that there was sufficient evidence for the trial court to find that the primary purpose of the roadblock was crime suppression rather than merely a driver's license checkpoint, in that:

1) the checkpoint was conducted by the Directed Patrol Unit, which is assigned specifically to deal with crime suppression issues;

2) a K-9 patrol unit with a nationally certified drug dog team was participating; and,

3) the State presented no evidence as to the plan, procedures, or duration of the roadblock, nor was any evidence of a protocol introduced and as the Supreme Court noted in Edmond, without such information “law enforcement authorities would be able to establish checkpoints for virtually any purpose so long as they include a license or sobriety check.”

The Court held that even if the purpose of the roadblock was not general crime suppression, the roadblock was invalid under Brown v. Texas' second requirement because no empirical data was presented at trial to support the effectiveness of the roadblock.

One thing that is disappointing about this case is that the Court did not rule (possibly because the attorneys did not raise the issue) that our State Constitutional protections are separate and independent grounds for their holding. On remand the Michigan Court of Appeals re-affirmed their original ruling in Michigan State Police v. Sitz, and found the checkpoint to be unconstitutional, this time under the Michigan Constitution instead of the Federal Constitution.

Judge Hill was the trial judge, and he as well as the S.C. Supreme Court deserve praise for having the courage to rule against the government in preserving our constitutional rights. However, all roadblocks should be declared unconstitutional, in violation of the South Carolina Constitutional right to freedom from unreasonable search and seizure and as a violation of the right to privacy which is guaranteed by the S.C. Constitution.

Roadblocks are one of the most arrogant and disgusting violations of our privacy and freedom, and Groome, if the U.S. Supreme Court does not overturn it, will help "to assure that an individual's reasonable expectation of privacy is not subject to arbitrary invasions solely at the unfettered discretion of officers in the field."

July 2, 2008

Lying cops

Believe it or not, cops will lie on the witness stand to get convictions and to cover their asses. For example, cops learn over time what statements will get them past a motion to suppress, those facts get copied and pasted from one incident report to another, and the cop will testify to them at trial. "I smelled the odor of burnt marijuana." (Whether or not weed is ultimately found.) "The subject appeared very nervous, fidgeting from foot to foot, would not make eye contact, began sweating profusely, and I noticed his hand was shaking as he took out his wallet."

When it is the defendant's word against the cops, the defendant typically loses. Because cops are trustworthy, credible witnesses(?). Defense lawyers know the cop is lying, the prosecutor knows the cop is lying, and the judge knows the cop is lying - they all have seen it enough times. But unless there is proof that the cop is lying, the judge will rule in the government's favor or the jury will take the cop's word for it.

In a trial last Friday in Los Angeles, the officers testified that they had chased the defendant from his apartment and watched him throw down a black box, which they picked up a few feet from the defendant and discovered that the box contained drugs. But they did not realize that the defense lawyer had obtained video of the incident from a surveillance camera, which showed multiple officers searching for more than 20 minutes before one claimed to have found drugs.

"Be creative in your writing," the officer appears to tell another after the discovery.

"Oh yeah, don't worry, sin duda [no doubt]," comes the reply.

This case just underscores the importance of an independent investigation - if the defense had not found this video, no-one would have believed the defendant and, although the defendant and possibly the attorney would have known that the cops were lying, they would not have been able to prove it.

There are a few officers that I have the utmost respect for that are candid and take painstaking care to tell the truth to me, to the prosecutor, and on the stand. And then there are the rest.

July 2, 2008

DNA testing bill waiting for governor's signature

The DNA testing bill did pass the South Carolina Senate and House after all, but has not been signed yet by the governor. The bill in its final form has combined what was two separate bills, one allowing law enforcement to collect DNA samples from persons at the time of their arrest, and a bill which will require authorities to preserve evidence for 7 years or until a convicted person's prison sentence is complete and which will grant inmates access to DNA testing.

Sanford last year vetoed legislation requiring DNA testing when people are arrested. He called it an "overreach by government and an erosion of personal liberty."

Unlike fingerprinting, Sanford wrote, DNA "contains a great deal of sensitive personal information. DNA includes, for example, information about disease predisposition, physical attributes, ancestry and familial relationships."

He told legislators he favored taking DNA samples only after a person is convicted.

If Sanford vetoes the bill, it will not get an over-ride vote until January, when the legislature reconvenes.

July 1, 2008

The devil made me do it

Last Friday, in Pleasant Glade Assembly of God v. Shubert, the Supreme Court of Texas overturned a jury award of $300,000 damages to a girl who claimed she was subjected to an exorcism against her will. There were minimal physical injuries, some cuts and bruises, but the damages were based on emotional distress, which the Court held are not compensable in this type of case.

The Court essentially said that the religious nature of the claim could not be separated from the secular portion of the claim, and that the courts could not decide religious questions:

We have previously said that adjudication of this type of claim “would necessarily require an inquiry into the truth or falsity of religious beliefs that is forbidden by the Constitution.” This type of intangible, psychological injury, without more, cannot ordinarily serve as a basis for a tort claim against a church or its members for its religious practices.

The flip side of this argument, as expressed by Eugene Volokh, is that the religious question can be separated from the tort itself and the damages that flow from it:


The plaintiff alleges -- and the jury apparently believed her -- that she was held down against her will. That's false imprisonment and assault. She also alleges that this physical restraint led to emotional distress damages. This is not a case such as many of the ones the majority cites, in which the emotional distress stemmed from religious speech, or shunning by the community, or other such conduct that is and should be substantively constitutionally protected. Rather, the case involves nonconsensual (or so the jury found) physical touching, conduct that no constitutional guarantee protects.

What is fascinating to me is the dilemma that this type of issue can create in a criminal case. If the Court's holding is that "an inquiry into the truth or falsity of religious beliefs . . . is forbidden by the Constitution," what happens when a person is charged with a crime and the truth or falsity of their religious beliefs goes to the heart of their defense?

Historically, the case that has generated the most attention and controversy would be that of Annelise Michel, who died following a series of exorcisms in Bavaria that were sanctioned by the Catholic Church and spanned a 10 month period. The case was immortalized in the movie "The Exorcism of Emily Rose," which, although not entirely accurate, was thought provoking and an excellent courtroom drama.

Annelise's parents, a priest, and a pastor were prosecuted for negligent homicide for failing to call a medical doctor during the exorcisms. At their trial in 1978, the parents' attorney Erich Schmidt-Leichner argued that:

the exorcism was legal and that the German Constitution protected citizens in the unrestricted exercise of their religious beliefs. The defense played tapes recorded at the exorcism sessions, sometimes featuring what was claimed to be "demons arguing", as proof that Anneliese was indeed possessed. Both priests presented their deeply held conviction that she was possessed, and that she was finally freed by exorcism just before she died. ( wikipedia.org)

What is the result where an individual is believed to be possessed and a homicide results, either by the person who is possessed or by another individual who believes the victim was possessed? The defendant is entitled to present his defense, and that defense might consist of testimony regarding the truth or falsity of religious beliefs, which may be very relevant as to the defendant's subjective state of mind at the time of the incident and intent to commit a crime, as well as any state or defense testimony regarding psychiatric diagnoses.

If an inquiry into the truth or falsity of religious beliefs is forbidden by the Constitution, will the Courts then exclude the defendant's belief as to the truth or falsity of religious beliefs that are central to his defense? I believe that the defendant's right to present a defense would take priority under the Constitution in this situation. Religious beliefs are a valid defense to varying degrees when it involves issues such as refusal of medical treatment or childrearing practices, and yet I wonder if testimony regarding demonic possession or the practice of Voodoo may be denied by a trial court or not even considered by the attorneys.

After watching the movie and reading about the story of Annelise Michel, I have had this discussion with lawyers, and surprisingly found that many, due to their own religious beliefs, would refuse to even consider presenting defenses that involve demonic possession, or the practice of Voodoo, which arises occasionally in South Carolina. Some refuse to even discuss it. I believe that no matter what our personal beliefs, we have a duty to present any defense that is available to a client and these scenarios, although rare, have a direct bearing on the defendant's intent to commit a crime.

June 30, 2008

Texas 32, South Carolina 1

A death row inmate whose case inspired Texas' sex offender registry laws is exonerated by DNA evidence. The real killer was identified by the DNA evidence, but it turns out he died 10 years ago without being prosecuted for the crime.

More and more tales of persons convicted of heinous crimes, including death row inmates, found to be actually innocent after long years sitting in prisons waiting to die, are coming out of Texas.

There have been 32 exonerations by DNA evidence in Texas, and 1 in South Carolina. That's right, 1.

Texas is known for its death penalty hijinks, but could this mean that South Carolina is more accurate in convicting people? Doubtful. What it means is that Texas has laws mandating preservation of evidence, and Texas has laws mandating access to DNA evidence for inmates who can make a claim of actual innocence. They have the ability to look back and discover when they were wrong, before they kill innocent people or allow them to live out their lives in prison.

South Carolina has no law requiring the preservation of evidence, and South Carolina has no law requiring inmate access to DNA evidence, even when the inmate can make a claim of actual innocence. A bill to allow South Carolina inmates access to DNA evidence failed to pass the Senate and House this year.

Possibly the ongoing hullabaloo in Texas over death row exonerations has motivated some South Carolina politicians to oppose DNA access laws. Here in South Carolina, we would rather kill defendants who are quite possibly innocent, or let them live out their lives in prison, before we risk admitting that police, prosecutors, judges and juries make mistakes.

And the fact that the Innocence Project is proving that these type of mistakes are made calls the death penalty itself into question. Politicians who believe in the death penalty may realize that allowing inmate access to DNA evidence and passing laws that mandate preservation of evidence might be the beginning of the end.

Mississippi has 1 exoneration, no DNA access law and no preservation of evidence law.

Alabama has 2 exonerations, no DNA access law and no preservation of evidence law.

Tennessee has one exoneration, no preservation of evidence law.

Illinois has 29 exonerations, and like Texas, has both DNA access laws and preservation of evidence laws.

Many of the other states that the Innocence Project has worked in fall in the middle of the continuum. There are smaller states with DNA access and evidence preservation but low numbers of exonerations, and there are doubtless different factors at work in each state. South Carolina's failure to pass laws that clearly would provide justice to defendants and victims alike, with full knowledge of their importance and real-life examples from states like Texas and Illinois, demonstrates where our priorities lie. We can do better.

June 30, 2008

Bost . . . Texas Legal

Grits for Breakfast has been tirelessly following the story of Charles Hood, convicted of rape and murder, and whose defense attorneys have uncovered allegations that the prosecutor at Hood's trial and the judge at Hood's trial had sexual relations during his trial. It's like an episode of Boston Legal, except its not, Alan Shore did not get the inevitable not guilty, and they intend to execute Hood without allowing further investigation into the alleged misconduct or an evidentiary hearing.

According to the Houston Chronicle:

Retired Judge Verla Sue Holland and then-Collin County District Attorney Tom O'Connell have declined to address the allegations. The Texas Court of Criminal Appeals, the state's highest criminal court and where Holland was a judge in the mid-1990s, rejected Hood's efforts to appeal on the grounds of the alleged relationship, citing procedural reasons for the rejection but not addressing the merits of the accusations.

There should not be any doubt that an allegation of this nature calls the results of Hood's trial into question, and any standard of fairness should dictate that a new trial is necessary. I hope that Grits and the media out there continue their efforts to bring this mess into the light of day and keep it there.

June 29, 2008

A thankless job

When I first began my career at the public defender's office in Oconee County, South Carolina I had been told that criminal defense, and public defender work in particular, is a thankless job. Many thank you's, cards, and hugs later, and now in private practice in Myrtle Beach, I have to disagree.

Seeing a client dancing with joy when they find out they are being released from jail is one of the most rewarding experiences I have had in this job. Hearing a grandmother whispering "thank you Jesus," her soft voice cutting through the thick silence in-between each of three counts of "not guilty" read by the clerk at the end of a trial is another. I keep a bulletin board in my office with thank you cards pinned to it, and it helps to go to it and read them when times get rough.

If you don’t like your job, and you don’t like your clients, you need to find another occupation – criminal defense attorneys hold their clients’ lives in their hands, sometimes literally. I have found that, for the most part, I like my clients, and they tend to reciprocate. On varying levels, I can identify with most of my clients as human beings.

Another piece of wrong advice that I often hear is don’t get too invested in your clients, and I wholeheartedly disagree with this also. There is something of a sliding scale when it comes to emotional investment in a client and results. If I become a friend to a client, and become emotionally invested in their case, I will fight that much harder to win their case and to get the best result possible, just as I would for a friend or relative who is not otherwise a “customer.” On the other hand, if the investment does not pay off, and if I lose this case, the pain that I feel personally is that much greater as well.

If I remain always detached from my clients and their cases, I can still work hard and analyze their case, I can still take a case to trial and argue legalities, but there is no passion, there is no caring to convey to the jury, and it will be reflected in the odds of achieving the best result as well. I am more likely to lose that case, but I do not suffer when it is lost.

Although there is a balance, and there are boundaries to what can and cannot be done, clients only benefit when their lawyer cares and becomes invested in their defense, and that is how it should be. And, you will get more thank you’s at the end of the day.

June 29, 2008

Getting to know your clients

There is more to successful criminal defense than knowing the law and having the will to fight for your clients. Another indispensable ingredient to getting good results in any case is knowing and understanding clients. Every client has a different experience and a different story, and that experience must be shared with the prosecutor, the judge, and the jury when it comes to a trial.

The only way to learn that experience and to understand a client's story is to spend time with the client and to talk to them. If I am going to tell a client's story, I have to learn who they are and what makes them that way. I have to learn whether they committed the crime they are charged with, and if so why. I have to accept my clients' calls and always return their calls, learn from my client's families, and meet with my clients in person, even when that means multiple trips to the jail.

I have to be able to persuade a prosecutor, a judge, and a jury that the client is a human being and not just a defendant. The prosecutor, the police, the judge, and the jury will demonize the defendant in a criminal case if they are not told and shown that the defendant is a human being, with a family, hopes, dreams, likes, dislikes, loves, and problems like any other human being has.

The facts that are learned from a client are woven together with the facts that the government provides, and provide the framework for the story that must be told. The facts as presented by the government are cold facts that are unsympathetic to the defendant and that are geared towards obtaining a conviction. My job is to present the facts to the prosecutor, the judge, and the jury through the defendant's eyes, usually a very different perspective from what the police or alleged victims see.

June 26, 2008

Heller - SCOTUS strikes down D.C. ban on handguns

In the much anticipated District of Columbia v. Heller, released today, the United States Supreme Court struck down D.C.'s ban on handguns.

The Court held that the Second Amendment protects an individual's right to keep and to bear arms, and is not limited to possession of firearms in connection with service in militias. The Court indicates that the right to bear arms is connected with the right to self defense.

D.C.'s requirement that lawful firearms in the home be disassembled or bound by a trigger lock was also declared unconstitutional, because such a requirement would make it impossible for citizens to use the firearm in self defense.

The Court's opinion, written by Scalia, takes care to note that the Second Amendment right is not unlimited, and that prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill, laws forbidding possession of firearms in sensitive places such as schools or courthouses, and laws regulating the sale of firearms are constitutional.

The right to keep and bear arms, under Scalia's analysis, is not a right that is granted by the Constitution - it is a pre-existing right, and what is guaranteed by the Constitution is that the government will not infringe on that right. The right to keep and bear arms guarantees to all citizens the right to defend ourselves, and is connected to our natural right to self-preservation.

A primary purpose of the Second Amendment was to give the people a check on their government, and prevent the government from disarming its citizenry, as England had done in an attempt to maintain control of its people even as it abused them. When elements of our government become tyrannical and oppressive, the knowledge that most citizens have within their homes some form of firearm should give the government pause in remembrance of 1776. Scalia's reasoning indicates this as well:

During the 1788 ratification debates, the fear that the federal government would disarm the people in order to impose rule through a standing army or select militia was pervasive in Antifederalist rhetoric . . . Federalists responded that because Congress was given no power to abridge the ancient right of individuals to keep and bear arms, such a force could never oppress the people.

Post-ratification commentary included the following from William Rawle in 1825:


“The first [principle] is a declaration that a well regulated militia is necessary to the security of a free state; a proposition from which few will dissent. . . . “The corollary, from the first position is, that the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. “The prohibition is general. No clause in the constitution could by any rule of construction be conceived to give to congress a power to disarm the people. Such a flagitious attempt could only be made under some general pretence by a state legislature. But if in any blind pursuit of inordinate power, either should attempt it, this amendment may be appealed to as a restraint on both.” Rawle 121–122.20

South Carolina's equivalent, found in Article I, Section 20 of the S.C. Constitution, also indicates the purpose of the freedom to keep and bear arms by including in its context the provisions that armies are dangerous to liberty in times of peace, that the military power of the State will always be subordinate to the civil authority, and that no solders will be quartered in person's homes without consent.

The Court rejected District of Columbia's argument that handguns could be banned so long as the possession of other firearms such as rifles is allowed, because the handgun is "the quintessential self-defense weapon," and it is "the most preferred firearm in the nation to keep and use for protection of one's home and family."

Much of the commentary since the case was released laments the narrow holding, which is limited to declaring unconstitutional a ban on handguns for the purpose of self defense in the home, and declaring unconstitutional any requirement that would render handguns kept in the home inoperable. Much litigation will likely follow this decision, to fine-tune the questions left unanswered by Heller, but I believe the decision was rightly and necessarily limited to the facts of this particular case. The Court decided the issues that were placed before it and could do no more.